By Shefali

18^th June 2012:

It’s difficult to get positive results in Somalia until reconciliation starts right at the bottom, where neighbours in a village reconcile, then neighbours in a city, then neighbours in a state, then finally, neighbours at the national level reconcile.  In other words, Somalia needs a bottom up approach.

But if neighbours in a village haven’t reconciled, then it’s a bit much to ask them to sit down and talk about national matters.  Somalia’s only Somalia’s religion, culture and traditions also need to also be taken into consideration, since on the ground this is what most people follow.

The main issues are tribal – and any solution that doesn’t answer that is doomed to fail.

On the surface, the war in Somalia may appear to have religious over-tones.  However, when critically assessed, there is an underlying clan over-tone.  For example, the Islamist groups all share the same extreme form of Islam – and yet, even with that, they are still divided into groups such as Hisbul Islam, Ras Kamboni, Shabab, etc.

It is quite clear that what divides these Islamists is not really their varying interpretations of Islam but clan factors.  Before the advent of colonialism, Somalis lived in peace, but also with autonomy – where each clan took care of its own territory and people.  This is the best solution and it can only be replicated under a united federal Somalia.

When the colonialists came, they implemented their own centrally based system which gave one city everything and everybody else nothing.  This made locals view the central government as a by-product of a clan, and that fuelled clan animosity.

Evidence of this was patently apparent after independence in 1960, when Somalis were enlisted into over 100 political parties – all of which represented clan interests.  There were coup attempts as a result, followed by the resistance groups of the late 1970s and 1990s.

The Somaliland Issue

As for the Somaliland issue, dividing the nation will not solve Somalia’s problems, it will only add to it. And here is why: Colonial boundaries are not what Somalis are fighting for, because no one at the local level really cares which country colonized which bit.

The colonial system is the very system that laid the foundations for Somalia’s civil war when everything was politically, militarily, economically, and socially located in Mogadishu.  Clearly then, plan that proposes a return to the same system shouldn’t be what any sane person should be thinking about.

There is also the legality of the issue.  Somalia united as one country voluntarily in 1960.  Independence in both areas was synchronized – Hargeisa on 26^th June, and Mogadishu on 1^st July.  This was all planned years before and mutually agreed upon.

Economically, Hargeisa was never discriminated against in Somalia.  It was the second largest city after Mogadishu.  All Somaliland’s existing infrastructure is what the previous Somalia government built, from the ports, airports, roads, to the water networks.

This basic economic infrastructure didn’t exist in other parts of Somalia like Puntland – a place that Somalis themselves thought was “un-reachable”.  Politically, the Isaaq enjoyed all the powers that other clans enjoyed. They had senior officers in the army, they were Prime Ministers, and they held major portfolios within the government.

Ethnically, they are no different from other Somalis.  In fact, the people who live in Bay and Bakool are ethnically, culturally, and linguistically more different from Somalis.  But they are not calling for separation from the Somali nation.

The war crimes argument that the Somaliland people are putting forth is no different from the ones that were slapped against Somalia’s military government when it allegedly committed genocide in the Mudug province of Puntland.  And yet today, Puntland remains staunchly pro-union and pro-Somalia.

To this day, the Hargeisa administration still calls those commanders like Hassan Kulmiye Farah who were part and parcel of the military regime “heroes”.  They are however also quick to demonize other clans who were part of the military authority.

So it’s very clear for all to see that their agenda is a clan based one.  It is concealed under a colonial premise and spiced up with a sprinkle of “genocide” to entice the world to act upon what is in reality, their hidden clan objectives.  Thankfully, the UK govt is not blind, and can see through it!

Even if Somalia is divided, the clan factor will continue in Somaliland, where other clans around the Awdal and SSC areas are vehemently opposed to it.  The SSC area can have a spill over effect in Puntland and create an all out clan war.

The Somaliland administration itself is also clan based, where 66% of parliament is from the Isaaq clan, and 80% of government posts are in the hands of the Isaaq clan. Anyone who is rational can see that doesn’t seem like a government that will last long in peace with its neighbours.

The Piracy Issue

Finally, as far as the piracy issue is concerned, the best solution is to provide support to the Puntland government to create an effective coast-guard to protect its waters from local piracy and illegal fishing. Piracy can not be stopped by naval fleets from around the world because they don’t have access to where the pirates come from.

Piracy cannot even be stopped by the Mogadishu or Hargeisa administrations, because 90% of the pirates are based within Puntland’s jurisdiction.  And because of Somalia’s ancient clan based territorial system, a neighbouring administration cannot access another clan’s territory without causing local resistance or even clan war.

No Administration in Somalia controls 1600km of Somalia’s 3300km coastline other than Puntland.  Ignoring this crucial fact will be a great disservice to any attempts to solve the issue of piracy.  Apart from the lack of an effective coast-guard, the total absence of road infrastructure stops the authorities from reaching the coastal areas.

Locals in the coastal areas therefore feel that they are not getting any opportunities for development – and this has contributed to the strong illegal fishing activities in Puntland.  From Puntland, one can easily access one of the busiest shipping lanes in the world.

Most importantly however, lack of development in the coastal areas has convinced locals think that it’s better to host the pirates – and the pirates know this more than anyone else.  All these are factors that make it attractive for pirates to position themselves in Puntland.

If the international community and the UK government in particular are truly and genuinely interested in helping Somalia, then they need to address their minds to all the issues raised above.  Otherwise we will still be holding Somalia and piracy conferences in 2030!  END.  Login to www.ugandacorrespondent.com every Monday to read our top stories mid-week for our updates.

Follow us on twitter: @UGCorrespondent